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Furthermore, those who stood to forfeit the most, the rich, were also in many ways the most influential. 73 At the other end of the social and economic scale, there were other motives for opposition to such measures. Lindauers do not appear to have thought too abstractly about the law, but since it touched most areas of Lindavian existence, they did know how it worked as a social institution and as a political weapon. 74 For many Lindauers, therefore, the planned reforms, and the decoupling of crime and punishment, threatened the integrity of this conception.
This demanded (1) that the advocates be sacked; (2) that the City Captain (Stadthauptmann) be sacked; (3) that the pastor, Magister Martin Miller, be suspended. Apparently a negotiator was able to wrest some concessions from the rebels on these points. Significantly, the initial offer of concessions, which Mezler ascribed to the Council, was here replaced with a formalized list of rebel demands. There are two conceivable reasons for this. 44 The other possible reason why the official narrative does not have the Council participating in the conception of a pragmatic appeasement of the crowd may be related to a fear of accusations of elite connivance in popular disturbance.
Moreover, the Secretary claimed, what the ministers of the church one day established in support, Neukomm the next day again demolished. The use of the edifice metaphor, which refers to both the critical and stable states of society as man-made, stands out in the documents for the Neukomm affair. The usual metaphor used to describe the crisis was that of a healthy body infected by some disease. Why an alternative to social pathology was employed by this particular author is difficult to tell, but an answer may lie in its relatively late date of production.