By Sylvain Brouard
France is usually depicted because the version of assimilationist or republican integration within the foreign literature on immigration. even though, not often have surveys drilled all the way down to supply person responses from a double consultant pattern. In As French as all people Else?, Sylvain Brouard and Vincent Tiberj offer a entire evaluation of the nation of integration in France and problem the standard concern of integration via systematically evaluating the "new French" immigrants, in addition to their youngsters and grandchildren born in France, with a pattern of the French common inhabitants. The authors' survey considers a variety of subject matters, together with spiritual association and religiosity, political attitudes and political efficacy, worth structures (including gender roles, paintings ethics, and anti-Semitism), styles of integration, a number of identities and nationwide assets, and affirmative motion. because the authors exhibit, regardless of present adjustments, immigrants of Maghrebin, African, and Turkish foundation percentage a large scope of commonality with different French electorate.
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Additional resources for As French as Everyone Else? A Survey of French Citizens of Maghrebin, African, and Turkish Origin
28 ■ Chapter 1 colonies,” who consent the most to financial intervention. In fact, French opinion regarding public assistance to Islam stems from the attitude of French people toward Islam. If we follow the attitude toward Islam along a continuum from very positive to very negative, the percentage of support for public subsidies decreases from 50 percent to less than 10 percent. It is not primarily because they are laïc that the French people interviewed overwhelmingly oppose state assistance for Islam.
Finally, Muslims with mixed ancestry are twice as likely not to practice as those without mixed ancestry. While French Muslims practice religion as little as the rest of the French, they are not as likely to be not religious. In fact, half the entire control group considers religion to have little importance, which is about twice the number of such reports among the RAPFI population. At the other extreme, only 4 percent of French people questioned in the control group responded that religion is extremely important, compared with 19 percent of the New French.
10 Such a reaction, more common among those who place a greater importance than they did before on religion and those who practice regularly, is likely to make social relations with non-Muslims diffi cult. ” It is through adjustments to individual behavior that these respondents express their Muslim affiliation, rather than through demands for socially guaranteed religious conformity (such as halal meals). Finally, 17 percent would simply accept the invitation. Thus, we see that for three-fourths 9 To design this question, we relied on the results from the research of Leveau and Kepel (1988).
As French as Everyone Else? A Survey of French Citizens of Maghrebin, African, and Turkish Origin by Sylvain Brouard