By Kristina C. Miler
Congressional illustration calls for that legislators concentrate on the pursuits of ingredients of their districts and behave in ways in which mirror the desires in their materials. yet of the numerous ingredients of their districts, who do legislators in Washington really see, and who is going unseen? additionally, how do those perceptions of elements form legislative habit? This booklet solutions those basic questions via constructing a concept of legislative notion that leverages insights from cognitive psychology. Legislators are proven to determine just a couple of components of their district on a given coverage, particularly those that donate to their campaigns and call the legislative place of work, and fail to notice many different proper elements. Legislators also are thus prone to act on behalf of the components they see, whereas vital ingredients now not obvious through legislators are not often represented within the policymaking technique. total, legislators' perspectives of components are restricted and fallacious, or even well-meaning legislators can't characterize their elements in the event that they don't appropriately see who's of their district.
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Additional info for Constituency Representation in Congress: The View from Capitol Hill
Fenno 1978; Valentino, Hutchings, and White 2002). , Jacoby 2000; McKissick 1995). Given the attention to citizens’ use of the accessibility heuristic, it might be expected that the concerns about the limitations of heuristics raised in the psychology literature would be echoed in the political context. However, this is generally not the case. , Bartels 1996; Kuklinski and Hurley 1994; Kuklinski and Quirk 2000), the majority of the Â�political science literature focuses on the benefits of heuristics.
Clausen, Holmberg, and deHaven-Smith 1983; Converse and Pierce 1986; Esiasson and Holmberg 1996). The literature on the accuracy of legislators’ predictions makes important inroads into understanding how legislators evaluate constituency opinions and concludes that legislators’ expectations of constituency opinion are not always accurate. This finding is notable because these studies generally define constituency preference as the majority opinion in the district, which is a relatively easy target for prediction.
Legislators, therefore, are responsive to constituents interested in an issue because it is more likely that those constituents’ votes will be shaped by their Â�interest in, and legislators’ actions on, the issue. Previous research, however, tends to examine responsiveness by identifying a single subconstituency in the district that is interested in an issue. 9 In contrast, the dyadic theory of subconstituency representation posits that for any given issue there are multiple interested subconstituencies, which do not all share the same preferences on the issue.
Constituency Representation in Congress: The View from Capitol Hill by Kristina C. Miler